Portait of My Father as a Young Man

 

August 3, was the death anniversary of my father. I was just 5 and a half years old when he passed away, so I don’t really know much about him, esp. when he was a young man. For whatever I remember of him, he was already an old man. He was already starting to have grey hairs. He used to ask me to pull out his grey hairs and I would be paid 10 centavos per silver strand.

All I know of him as a young man was through my mother. According to her, when my father was born, a bayok or Mranao epic song was composed. The song began with the word Macapanton. That was his name. She said his full name would be the whole bayok.

The year was 1910. Less than 20 years earlier, the Spaniards decided to finally attack Lanao, more than 200 years after they first tried attacking Lanao during the time of Sultan Qudarat and Spanish Governor-General Sebastián Hurtado de Corcuera in 1637.

In 1891 and again in 1895, the Spaniards called for a “Crusade” against the people of Lanao. Together with their Indio subjects, the Spaniards invaded Lanao, gained a foothold, but could not maintain it. The people of Marawi, led by Datu Amai Pakpak and other datus, held their ground.

But soon, the Indios themselves revolted in what came to be known as the Philippine Revolution. And so the Spaniards were sent packing from Moroland.

But then came new invaders – the Americans. In 1910, Moroland was still, technically, at war with the USA. American and Western historians call the period of 1901-1913 as the Moro Rebellion or Moro Wars.

In such a setting was Macapanton born to Hadji Darapa Abbas, the Datu of Marawi, who was the son of Hadji Okur, the Rajah Muda of Marawi, who was in turn the son of Rampatan, the Datu of Marawi. The rank/title of Datu of Marawi is firmly in the line of Macapanton’s patrilineal heritage.

The Datu of Marawi was the Defender of Marawi and is the ruler the people of Marawi paid tribute to. The Sultan of Marawi is more of a figurehead position, and is passed on through matrilineal lineage.

Macapanton’s mother was Bai a labi Dalumabi, sister of Cotawato, who was the Sultan of Dayawan and Wato. Her other brother was Bacarat, who also became Sultan of Marantao.

Upon Macapanton’s birth, his uncle Cotawato and his wife (Paramanis?) adopted him. According to my mother, Cotawato’s wife was the sister of Hadji Abbas. Adopting nephews and nieces was quite usual among Mranao families. Adopted children also acquire the rights and privileges to the ranks and titles of their adoptive parents. Thus, Macapanton held the rights and privileges to two sets of royal bloodlines.

Cotawato was known as Ama i Macapanton or father of Macapanton. This confused and still confuses people as many, including their descendants, think that Amai Macapanton was Hadji Abbas.

EARLY SCHOOLING

In the early decades of the American Occupation, most Mranao parents refused to send their children to school for fear of being converted to Christianity. But my father insisted on going to school. I suppose he could easily manipulate his two sets of parents.

After elementary, he wanted to pursue his studies further but his parents refused.

One day, the American Secretary of Education of the Philippine Islands visited Marawi and went to his uncle’s house. His uncle was Ibra Gundarangin, the Sultan of Lanao, who would later become the first Congressman of Lanao. Without much ado, my father, who had just finished elementary school, approached the Secretary and with pen and paper, asked the American official to write a letter to have him admitted to a high school in Manila. The Secretary was at first surprised, and after asking the Sultan who the boy was, proceeded to write there and then a letter for his admission to a school in Manila.

His elders were then forced to send him to Manila. He enrolled at the Torres High School in Tondo, which was then run by Americans. According to my mother, he was placed in the lowest section because he came from Mindanao. But after the first grading period, he was transferred to the first section. That was in the 1920s.

My father was an ardent swimmer as he used to swim in the Agos River in Lanao. In Luzon, he joined swimming competitions in Laguna.

PHILIPPINE LAW SCHOOL and NEBRASKA HALL

For college, he went to the Philippine Law School, which was then the leading private law school. In 1931, his uncle the Sultan of Lanao was appointed Representative of the Third District of the Province of Mindanao and Sulu. He was the very first Mranao congressman, serving at the same time as his in-law Datu Sinsuat Balabaran, who was representative of the Fourth District. My father got extra money as the Congressman’s secretary and interpreter.

He stayed at a dormitory called Nebraska Hall with schoolmate Diosdado Macapagal and his Moro best friends Domocao Alonto, Duma Sinsuat and Salipada Pendatun. The latter three were students at the neighboring University of the Philippines. Duma was the son of Datu Sinsuat. Duma’s mother was an aunt of my father. Later, Macapagal took a break from school, and transferred to the University of Santo Tomas.

STUDENT LEADERSHIP

As a student, my father was reportedly a member of the Order of the Swastika where he became the Mahatma Grand Lama. The Swastika was then, as today, a mystical symbol of Hindu origin, not a symbol of Hitler’s Nazism.

According to my mother, my father’s close friends were the students of Philippine Law School and University of the Philippines. She said Cecilia Muñoz-Palma, the first female Supreme Court Associate justice and later leading oppositionist against the Marcos regime, was one of my father’s “barkada” or clique.

I recently found out through the Internet that my father was a founding member of Vinzon’s Young Philippines Party. I came upon an article by Emmanuel Dooc for his Telltales column in the Business Mirror newspaper. Titled ‘Wenceslao Q. Vinzons: The Hero the Nation Forgot,’ it says: “He (Vinzons) founded the Young Philippines Party, which counted as members Arturo Tolentino, Lorenzo Sumulong, Diosdado Macapagal, Ferdinand Marcos, Domocao Alonto, Jose Laurel Jr., Macapanton Abbas and many others who all became prominent figures in Philippine politics.”

In an FB page Kasaysayang May Saysay, there is an entry titled MAHAHALAGANG ARAW SA KASAYSAYAN dated Jan. 5, 2015. It listed 6 dates on January in Philippine history. The last date was this:
“Enero 7, 1934

“Inaprubahan ng isang komite ng mga student leader ang mga alintuntunin sa pagtatag ng samahang Young Philippines. Kabilang sa mga tagapagtatag na kasapi ay sina Wenceslao Vinzons, Macapanton Abbas, at Arturo Tolentino. Ayon naman sa memoirs ng huli, noong Enero 8, 1934 naman pormal na inilunsad ang Young Philippines sa isang hotel sa Maynila; ang paglulunsad na ito ay dinaluhan nina Manuel Roxas, Jose Laurel at iba pang mga pangunahing pulitiko. Magiging partido ang Young Philippines sa bungad ng dekada 40.” (https://www.facebook.com/394043717340442/posts/mahahalagang-araw-sa-kasaysayanenero-1-1899-ayon-kay-cesar-majul-pinanukala-ni-e/736546696423474/)

Again, in an M.A. thesis, this was mentioned about the Young Philippines Party:

“Siyempre pa, kailangan ding banggitin ang mga pangunahing nagtaguyod ng Young Philippines: Arturo Tolentino, Wenceslao Vinzons, Macapanton Abbas, at iba pa.” [ Asuncion, Ruben Jeffrey (2015) Kasaysayan ng mga Samahang Kabataan, 1934-1978 , M.A. thesis p.174]

It looks like the Young Philippines’ Party, composed of the crème de la crème of the youth at that time, was an anti-Quezon, anti-Establishment, and even anti-US organization. This negates the dominant historical narrative that at that time, practically all Filipinos loved Quezon and Osmeña and the U.S.A..

As mentioned above, the YPP was formally launched in a hotel in Manila with big-time politicians like Manuel Roxas and Jose P. Laurel in attendance. But The New York Times twisted the story and claimed that it was a “Fascist Party…Complete with a Salute”. It claimed that Roxas, who was then complaining that Quezon and Osmeña were hogging the limelight, headed the party. But at least, it reported that the aim was “clean government”, that the party would “Bow to No Man”, and that it was against Quezon’s plan.

And then there’s a photo I got from the Internet. The original caption of the photo is: “Nucleus Group, Pan Malayan People’s Union, Organized by Student Council Leaders”. Beneath the photo, there’s another caption that says: “above photo from Philippinensian 1933, Wenceslao Q. Vinzons is in the front row center”. The gentleman at the back row, rightmost, in a bow tie, is my father. (The photo was colorized.)

It appears that student leaders then were not as parochial as today’s. They even think of the Greater Malay region which includes Philippines, Malaysia and Indonesia. The Pan Malayan People’s Union’s slogan was Malaya Irredenta (Malaya Unredeemed) and it encouraged the use of the Malay language.

My father finished his law studies in 1935 ahead of his dorm-mates. He was admitted to the Philippine Bar in November of that year; thus becoming the first Moro lawyer.

GRAND HOMECOMING

My mother said that when he came back to Lanao, there was a big celebration, with the traditional cannons being fired for the occasion. To my father’s shock, his elders had arranged it to be his wedding day, too. He was to choose between the daughters of a sultan. He took his father aside and told him that he would only marry the daughter of the Sheikh in Davao.

Unexpected arranged weddings are not uncommon in Lanao, until up to the 1960s. Some unlucky guys did not even have a choice. When they came home, they found out that they were already married by proxy, without their consent. I have a cousin who experienced that when he came home from abroad.

I don’t know how my father’s elders appeased the sultan and his daughters, but it seemed like a successful celebration.

In the early 1980s in Jeddah, a gentleman from Lanao who used to be assistant to the late Senate President Amang Rodriguez, told me that he had met my father. I asked when. He said, 1935, after he passed the Bar. I laughed, I thought he was joking. That was a long time ago.

He said that he was just in his teens, then. He said that it was a grand celebration, with the traditional cannons (lantakas) being fired. Firing of traditional cannons was reserved for great occasions. He confirmed the story told to me by my mother. He said the Mranaos were delighted that my father passed the Bar with a much higher rating than the Constitutional Convention delegate of Lanao Tomas Cabili. He then mentioned my father’s rating. I don’t remember exactly; but, it was in the higher 80s. I was dumbfounded. He even remembered my father’s bar exam rating!

First Maranaw Barrister Honored

THE COURTSHIP OF MY MOTHER

It was actually Domocao Alonto who first courted my mother while she was vacationing in her father’s hometown in Bayang. Some time later, he introduced my father to her. Soon, both of them were courting my mother. After a while, Pendatun also saw my mother, and started courting her, too. My mother spoke fluent Mranao and Maguindanaon so Pendatun, a Maguindanaon, was not handicapped in terms of local language. Of course, they all spoke English.

And so the three law students – Alonto, Pendatun and Abbas — all vied vigorously for my mother’s hand in marriage. She was then studying in Cebu.

My mother said that one day, she was summoned to the school headmistress’s office. The headmistress informed her that three letters from three gentlemen arrived that day for her. But she could not have them because letters from gentlemen who were not close relatives were forbidden. My mother said she was very embarrassed but quite flattered and found the incident rather funny.

My mother had quite a number of Christian suitors in Cebu. But her father insisted that she must choose among the three Moro lawyers or else she would be married to a “black teeth”, i.e. one of the uneducated indigenous highlanders.

After passing the Bar, with his two Moro rivals still studying, the 26-year old Datu Macapanton Abbas of Ranao asked for the hand in marriage of Sitti Rahma Yahya of the Sultanate of Bayang (in Lanao), Rajahnate of Buayan (Cotabato), and Sultanate of Lahej (in Yemen). She was 18.

They were married in my mother’s hometown Malita in Davao. The town – Malita – was a vassal state of the Rajahnate of Buayan and was inhabited by the indigenous tribes Manobos and Tagakaulos. The modern-day Malita was practically built by her grandparents, the core of which was their 3000 – hectare plantation. Her grandfather and later her father became the town presidente, now called mayor.

Datu Macapanton Abbas and Sitti Rahma Yahya
in Malita, Davao, 1936

In a strange twist of Fate, my father could not attend his second daughter’s wedding to the son of his friend and cousin Duma Sinsuat, who was then the Secretary of General Services in President Macapagal’s Cabinet. The wedding was held at the Manila Hotel around 1955. His friend and former rival Senator Domocao Alonto was the one who “gave away” his daughter. The Senator told my sister that it was all right because “she should have been his daughter anyway.”

In 1977, I went to Jeddah, Saudi Arabia during our school’s Hajj break. I was then studying at Dhahran in Saudi Arabia. Senator Pendatun, or Uncle Pendy, as he wanted to be called, was a guest at my brother Jun’s house. He told me, in his stentorian voice, that Jun and I should have been his sons, if only my mother chose him over my father.

My mother said that Uncle Pendy wrote to her that he had hitched his wagon to the stars, and that my mother should hitch hers to his. He indeed hitched his wagon to the stars — he became a war hero (which was the basis for his appointment as a General), a Governor. a Senator, a Congressman and Speaker Pro-tempore and after briefly leading the Moro opposition against Marcos and Martial Law, joined Marcos’s government to be an Assemblyman and Speaker Pro-tem.


FORAY INTO POLITICS


After law school and the wedding to Sitti Rahma in Malita, Davao, my father brought his young wife to Marawi, which was then called Dansalan. He practiced law and briefly entered politics.

The Second National Assembly elections was scheduled for November 1938. My father’s clan repeatedly asked him if he wanted to run for office. He said, "No, No, No." His clan, led by his father Hadji Abbas, the Datu of Marawi and uncle/adoptive father Sultan Cotawato of Dayawan and Wato, then announced their support for the popular Tomas Cabili, whom they supported in the previous 1934 and 1935 elections.

A new law allowed block voting, which favored the governing Nacionalista Party (formerly divided into the Democratica and the Pro-Independencia factions, which later reconciled). Non-Nacionalista politicians were thus wary of putting up their candidacies. In Lanao (then comprised of del Norte and del Sur), no one wanted to challenge Cabili, a member of the Nacionalista Party and the incumbent.

However, for some reasons, my father’s political mentor Congressman (and later Senator) Alauya Alonto, father of his best friend Domocao, persuaded him to run. My mother was against it, my father’s own family; nay, his own clan was against it. His relatives had already sworn to the Holy Qur’an to support Cabili.

Tomas Cabili was appointed Justice of the Peace of Dansalan in 1934. My father’s clan decided to support him as their delegate to the 1934 Constitutional Convention. He won, along with Congressman Alonto. Cabili showed his gratitude to his supporters by refusing to sign the Philippine Constitution because it did not protect and promote the rights of the Moro people, esp. his constituents, the Mranaos. This made him quite popular among Mranaos.

In the 1935 elections for the First National Assembly, my father’s clan again put up Cabili as their candidate. And he won as the sole representative of Lanao.

Upon hearing my father’s decision to run, Mr. Cabili tried to reason with him. He explained that it was too late to put up a decent campaign, esp. since he was a newcomer. More importantly, his own clan had already pledged their allegiance to Mr. Cabili. He was, Cabili, the champion of the Abbas clans since 1934. Besides, the new law on block voting favored the dominant party, esp. the incumbent.

But, my father was just 28 years old. Still hot-blooded, he wanted to test the political waters. Although it was quite late already, the young Macapanton threw his hat in the ring, with former Congressman and Con-Con delegate Alonto’s party supporting him.

It was a close contest. According to my mother, the Alontos went all out campaigning for my father while my father’s own family went campaigning for Cabili. She said that many of my father’s relatives were in a dilemma and quite conflicted. Some donated sacks of rice and food but they refrained from campaigning for him. My mother also said that surprisingly, my father got more votes than Cabili in the Christian areas.

The Fates were playing with my father. It was indeed the perfect time for him to run, had he announced his candidacy earlier, before his clan announced their support for Cabili, their champion. But he did not do so because everyone thought that the Alonto clan would put up their candidate, most probably Cong. and Con-Con delegate Alauya Alonto himself.

It was too late in the day when Cong. Alonto invited him to run under his party. The Abbas – related clans of Marawi, Dansalan, Dayawan, Madaya, Marantao, Guimba, Piag-apo, Taraka, etc. have already announced their support for Cabili.

My mother said that even if his own father and other relatives were against his running, he felt quite confident that he would still win. Perhaps according to his calculations, new law or not, he would still win if he could just get half of the supporters of his clan to add to the supporters of the Alonto clan.

But my father did not reckon the power of the swearing to the Qur’an (sapa sa Qur’an.) Some of his relatives, who had pledged to the Qur’an to make Cabili win, burned the main voting precinct in Dansalan – with all the ballots cast there uncounted. Dansalan/Marawi was the Abbas’s hometown. It was the capital of Lanao and most of the votes cast were there.

Even if his clan campaigned against him, he believed that at least half, if not most of his relatives and clan supporters would still vote for him. Apparently, some of his relatives thought so, too and thus burned the precinct down.

My father was so disappointed that his own relatives would do that to him –burn the precinct down. After this experience, my father refrained from running for political office again.

Because of the new law on block voting, all the 98 seats of the National Assembly went to the Nacionalistas. It was the only time in Philippine history that one party won all the seats in the legislature.

For his part, Mr. Cabili offered to endorse my father to the post of City Attorney of Baguio. But again, his whole clan was against it. During those times, Moros were afraid to live in far-away lands, like Baguio City, because of the off-chance they die there, it would be difficult to bring the body back to Lanao within 24 hours.

My mother said that my father’s relatives, esp. his aunts and great-aunts, came crying to him to please not go to Baguio City, which was at the farther end of the Philippines. My father could not go against the wishes of his relatives, again.

My father politely declined Cabili’s offer; to the chagrin of my mother. She would rather be in Baguio than in Lanao. Besides, they spent their honeymoon there just two years before.

WORLD WAR II and the LEGAL PROFESSION

Then came World War II.

My father wanted to join the guerrilla movement like his friend Salipada or my mother’s cousins Ali Dimaporo and Rashid Lucman, but my mother had none of it. They had 4 daughters, the youngest was just a few months old.

To attract the Moros, the Japanese had their own policy of attraction. The Korean foot soldiers, who created terror in Luzon, were not brought to Moroland. The Japanese invited the young Moros to join the Japanese government and take over the leadership from the Christian Filipinos. Many Moros were attracted, but not my father,

The Japanese then called a manhunt for him. So; my father, my mother, my mother’s mother, my 4 eldest sisters who were small children then, with their servants, had to go on the run. They ran from village to village. I don’t recall if they took with them my mother’s car. But a car would be conspicuous. Thanks to Mranao culture, they were welcomed to the village’s torogan (royal house, if any) or to relatives’ and friends’ houses.

But the war took its toll. My father got wounded. The wound festered, and he had to take massive doses of antibiotics. And then their youngest daughter, Salma, a mere infant, died. That was the last straw. My father decided to surrender.

He finally surrendered to the authorities. He was accompanied by practically all his relatives, who promptly surrounded the premises. He was not arrested. Instead, the Japanese commander asked him to accept the post of Justice of the Peace.

On July 22, 1943 my father was appointed Justice of the Peace of the Momungan groups of municipal districts in Lanao by President Jose P Laurel. He was 33 years old.

From then on, my father blazed the trail for Moros in the legal profession becoming the first Moro First Assistant City Attorney, first Moro Provincial Fiscal, first Moro District Judge and first Moro CFI (now RTC) Judge.

The friendship among Alonto, Sinsuat, Pendatun and Abbas did not stop in college. After the war, they formed a secret society called the Knights of Muhammad, together with Datu Ombra Amilbangsa, the husband of the Sultana of Sulu, Hadja Piandao, and some other Moro leaders. They vowed to advance and protect the rights of the Moro people(s). They continually discussed among themselves issues concerning the Moros.

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APPOINTMENTS AND DESIGNATIONS
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE PHILIPPINES

Macapanton Abbas, 33, Justice of the Peace of the Momungan groups of municipal districts, Lanao, July 22, 1943 (appointed by Jose P. Laurel)


Macapanton Abbas, 35, appointed, ad interim, Justice of the Peace of Tamparan, Mulundu, Taraka, Maging, Gata and Maciu, Lanao, September 22, 1945. Confirmed by the Commission on Appointments, October 2, 1945. (appointed by Sergio Osmeña)

Macapanton Abbas, 37, appointed ad interim First Assistant City Attorney of the City of Davao, August 7, 1947. (appointed by Manuel Roxas)

Macapanton Abbas, 38, appointed ad interim First Assistant City Attorney of the City of Davao. Confirmed by the Commission, on Appointments, February 24, 1948. (appointed by Manuel Roxas)

Acting Provincial Fiscal; Macapanton Abbas, 39, Sulu. Aug. 30, 1949 (appointed by Elpidio Quirino)

Macapanton Abbas, 44, as District Judge of the Sixteenth Judicial District of Sulu and Basilan City, date of appointment, June 21, 1954. (appointed by Ramon Magsaysay)

Judge Macapanton Abbas, 46, as Court of First Instance Judge of Sulu, appointed by Ramon Magsaysay. 1956

Judge Macapanton Abbas, 48, from the Court of First Instance of Sulu, to the 2nd Branch of the Court of First Instance of Davao and Davao City. 1958 (appointed by Carlos P. Garcia)

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In 1964, he was set to be appointed as Justice of the Court of Appeals by former classmate and dorm mate Diosdado Macapagal. The CA seat was to be vacated by September as the concerned justice was going to be kicked upstairs (to the Supreme Court.) Unfortunately, my father was suddenly kicked upstairs — to Heaven — in August 1964 at the age of 54.

I was all set to go with him to Manila to start schooling there. He had been preparing me for it by teaching me lessons from the Grade 1 books of my older sister Landasul.

Maguindanao / Ampatuan Massacre: 13 Years After

 On 23 November 2009, thirteen years ago, Andal Ampatuan, Jr., with his armed paramilitary security, with the complicity of some policemen, massacred 58 people, including 34 journalists. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), a New York-based NGO that promotes Press Freedom for the world, described the killings as “the single deadliest event for journalists in history.”

To commemorate the event, the Philippine Press Institute (PPI) and the Journalism Studies Association of the Philippines, Inc. (JSAP, Inc.) held a webinar on Nov. 18, 2022. Invited as speakers were Undersecretary Eugene Rodriguez of the Office of the Press Secretary to give an update on the case; and Emily Lopez, chair of Justice Now, the group of the families of the victims who are still seeking justice.

Three reactors were invited: Jonathan de Santos, chair of National Union of Journalists of the Philippines, Froilan Gallardo, a veteran journalist of MindaNews, and Datu Jamal Ashley Abbas, a Media Studies specialist and a member of the Board of Trustees of JSAP.

A Rappler article was published on Nov.22, 2022 about the Massacre and the discussion on the same in the PPI / JSAP webinar. Here are some excerpts:: (https://www.rappler.com/nation/mindanao/dangerous-conditions-prevail-maguindanao-massacre-anniversary-2022/)

 

 ‘The challenge is for the government to dismantle the structures that allowed this environment to thrive,’ says Human Rights Watch senior researcher Carlos H. Conde

CAGAYAN DE ORO, Philippines – If he could have it his way, Journalism Studies Association of the Philippines (JSAP) trustee Jamal Ashley Abbas would have former president Gloria Macapagal Arroyo indicted as a principal by inducement in connection with the infamous 2009 Maguindanao Massacre.

It was the Arroyo administration, he said, which turned the late former Maguindanao governor Andal Ampatuan Sr. into a mega-political warlord in Mindanao more than a decade ago…

…        …        …

 
Feeling of Impunity

Carlos H. Conde, a senior researcher of the New York-based non-governmental organization Human Rights Watch (HRW), said on Tuesday, November 22, that the Ampatuans had cultivated their immense power in Maguindanao even before the Arroyo administration, but it was under her that they really amassed so much power.

Conde said the enabling by the government of the Ampatuans was the main factor that created the environment that led to the massacre.

He said, “The brutality, the manner the massacre was carried out can only be explained by the feeling of impunity the Ampatuans felt at the time because they were confident that, under Arroyo, they could get away with it.”

Conde said the 2009 massacre would have taken place even without the journalists in the Mangudadatu convoy because of the sense of impunity among the perpetrators which was thorough and overpowering.

He told Rappler that “the media toll was incidental because they were not specifically singled out, I think. The Ampatuans were intent on stopping the Comelec registration no matter what and the calculation by the Mangudadatus that the presence of media would shield them from violence was obviously totally wrong.”

Conde added, “That sort of mindset of being able to get away with even the most sordid of crimes can only be attributed to an enablement that took years, even decades, to develop. And that enablement can only happen in a political culture that is dysfunctional and rotten to the core.”…

…        …        …

“This (massacre) could not have happened if Gloria Macapagal Arroyo did not fully fund, and fully support Ampatuan with super ammunition,” Abbas told an online forum on the Maguindanao Massacre organized by Philippine Press Institute (PPI) and JSAP on Friday, November 18.

Abbas added, “Why not indict the mastermind, GMA (Arroyo), who created Andal Ampatuan? He was not a huge, mega-warlord before. No way. It was GMA who made him… Without government support, we would not have a super warlord like Andal Ampatuan.”

He cited the arms cache found in the Ampatuan mansion days following the massacre which, he noted, had government markings.

Froilan Gallardo, one of the first journalists to go to Maguindanao for post-massacre coverage, remembered seeing several dozen boxes of ammunition for high-powered machine guns when authorities combed the Ampatuan mansion and warehouse.

Many of the seized guns and bullets, Gallardo said, turned out to be government-owned.
From militias to private armies

Abbas said it was not the first time the government created a warlord.

“In Mindanao, that has always been the case,” he said.

In the late 1960s and 1970s, the first Marcos administration used the so-called Ilaga (rat), a group mainly composed of anti-Moro settlers from the Visayas, to serve as a militia group against a growing Moro dissent.

The fanatical group was behind a string of massacres that killed hundreds of innocent civilians, including the 1971 slaughter of women, children, and the elderly in a mosque in Cotabato province.

In defense and as a response to the atrocities blamed on the government, Moro clans formed groups such as the Blackshirts and Barracudas “which gave rise to the Bangsamoro Revolution,” said Abbas.

Abbas said there were other civilian armed groups the first Marcos administration created to help in quelling the growing Moro secessionist movement in Mindanao.

But in the process, the militia groups enabled the rise of political dynasties of the very people who led them.

The militias continued during the succeeding administrations and received a boost when Arroyo issued Executive Order No. 546 in 2006 which allowed local officials to arm civilian volunteers supposedly to fight rebels.

Part of Arroyo’s 2006 order read: “In the exercise of its responsibility, subject to the concurrence of the appropriate Local Chief Executive through the Local Peace and Order Council, the PNP (Philippine National Police) is hereby authorized to deputize the barangay tanods as force multipliers in the implementation of the peace and order plan in the area.”

Abbas said EO 546 was used by the Ampatuans to further tighten their political grip on Maguindanao and the autonomous region.

“Arroyo and the DND (Department of National Defense) supported the creation of armed civilian groups,” said Abbas.

The militia group in Maguindanao, he said, became the private army of the Ampatuans…

…        …       ...

 

    …
 “The political dynasties and private armed groups are still there,” National Union of Journalists of the Philippines (NUJP) chairman Jonathan de Santos said on Monday, November 21.

De Santos said it was the private army of a political dynasty with the backing of Malacañang, and the intense political rivalry at the time that mainly factored in the Maguindanao Massacre – conditions that create the environment for brutality and crimes such as that.

Abbas said, “We can’t continue doing things like that.”

Conde warned that a crime such as what the world saw in Maguindanao could very well happen again under the same conditions that breed impunity.

“So the challenge is for the government to dismantle the structures that allowed this environment to thrive. Ultimately, the key to preventing a massacre is to ensure accountability not just for the Maguindanao Massacre but also abuses by paramilitary groups and militias,” said Conde. – Rappler.com

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RELATED POSTS

The MAGUINDANAO MASSACRE

Arroyo, Ampatuans Mocked Agencies in Crafty Power Play

Blogging the Bangsa Moro: Anthology of Blogposts

A Book that looks and feels like a Blog

I have been planning / wishing / dreaming to publish a collection of my blogposts on the Bangsa Moro. Tentative title is Blogging the Bangsa Moro.

I started developing my own websites in 1996, before blogging was invented or became popular. i wrote just about everything but mostly about the Bangsa Moro (Moro Nation). I just used free webhosts like virtualave., geocities, 0moola, freehostia etc. I started around mid-90s. I did not see any other website about or by Moros during that time. To my surprise, I received quite a number of emails congratulating me on my websites and wishing me the best. These emails came from abroad, and mostly from Christian Filipinos. These emails were the ones that inspired me to maintain and build other websites.

When I started in 1999 writing professionally for a newspaper, The Philippine Post, I uploaded my articles to my websites. I got even more positive response. One Fil-Am group asked permission to publish one of my articles, the Charge of the Wood Brigade, in their website.

I was a late-comer to blogging. At first, I thought it was just an online diary. I could just write one article at a time. And the old entries would not be read anymore. There was nothing in a blog that I could not do with my websites.

It was only in 2005 that I started blogging, with Blogger or blogpost.com. Later, in January 2006, I used blogsome.com, a bloghost owned by an Irish company. I liked Blogsome because it allowed the users to do anything with the templates, like putting apps, graphics, videos, etc. I was practically creating my own widgets. Later, I also used wordpress blogs.

I found out that somehow, the blogs are easily found by search engines, easier and faster than with websites. Perhaps it was because it was being “renewed” with every fresh entry. Every new entry seems to attract the search engines and ad platform networks. On the other hand, adding new entry to websites doesn’t seem to register with the search engines. The various search engines and advertising networks like Technorati are crawling the web and ranking the sites using some criteria. Blogs receive much higher rankings than websites.

And so by 2007, I concentrated more on my blogs than on my websites. I used the tricks of the trade (now called SEO) to get good rankings in Google Rank and Technorati and others.

In the 3rd iBlog summit, two of my blogs were nominated. To my surprise, the nominees for the Best Blog wrote in their blogs that my blog, Reflections on the Bangsa Moro, was their go-to blog when it comes to information on Moro issues. And when I attended the summit, I met one of the judges who told me that she thought that I should have won. That really made my day.

I thought I could monetize my blogs through Google’s Adsense. In the iBlog summit, a speaker talked about getting a lot of money with Google Adsense. The other participants told me they got a lot of money with the pay-per-click. But with the thousands of people visiting my blogS, I got only a couple of dollars worth! So, I removed the Adsense widget. (At that time, Google admitted anyone in their Adsense business, no pre-qualification).

Today, I maintain about 3 or 4 blogs plus some mirror blogs. I don’t use any SEO tricks as I couldn’t care less about Google rankings or Google Adsense. I share my blogposts through my Facebook and twitter and sometimes, Google+ and Linkedin accounts.

ANTHOLOGY OF BLOGPOSTS

The book that I hope to publish (Blogging the Bangsa Moro) is a collection of blogposts from my various blogs – the Refections on the Bangsa Moro (jamalashley.blogsome.com), The Setting Sun (jamalashley.wordpress.com), The Bangsa Moro Blog (bangsamoro.wordpress.com), The Bangsa Moro (bangsamoro.blog.com), The Moro Observer (datujamal.blogspot.com) and Postprandial Musings (jamalashley.blog.com) and Postprandial Musings, 2.0 (jamalashley.com).

BLOG CONVERSATION

The comments section creates a good discussion / conversation among the readers and the blog author. This was before Facebook changed everything in Social Media.

Today, very few people give their comments in blogs anymore. If they think they need to comment, they just share the blogpost on FB and write their comments on their FB wall. Thus, the conversation moves to the FB wall which usually does not include the blog author.

The comments section of many of my posts contain very interesting discussion, which give a wider information and understanding of the topic.

[IF YOU THINK THIS IS A GOOD MATERIAL FOR A BOOK, YOU MIGHT WANT TO DONATE. JUST CLICK PAYPAL IN THE SIDE BAR. IF I CAN HAVE IT PUBLISHED, I’LL SEND YOU A SIGNED COPY. THANKS. ]


The proposed book includes these from my blogs:

INTRODUCTORY BLOGPOSTS:

MOROLAND – Land of the Bangsa Moro

Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan comprised the Land of the Moros since the 13th century. In the 1660s, Palawan and Sabah were added to the Moro territories by virtue of a gift from the Sultanate of Brunei to the Sultanate of Sulu. The lands north of it like the Kingdom of Manila were invaded and colonized by Spain. The Moro sultanates — Sulu, Maguindanao, Buayan and the Maranao confederacy — however fought and maintained their independence until the coming of the Americans in the beginning of the 20th century.

The 16th century European map above proves that Mindanao was already known to the world even before the so-called “discovery” of the Philippines by the Portuguese explorer Ferdinand Magellan.

CONTINUE

Sultanates, Rajahnates, Datuships in MOROLAND

For centuries, the Sultanates of Sulu and Maguindanao and the Rajahnate of Buayan were recognized by European powers as SOVEREIGN states. These states, represented by its rulers, signed treaties with the Dutch, British, Spanish and even American empires.

The Ranao Confederacy repulsed the Spanish invasion of 1639/40 and lived in freedom from colonial rule. It took the Spaniards some 250 years before it tried to conquer Ranao in 1891 and again in 1895. The Spaniards failed again.

READ THE BLOGPOST

==================================

SAMPLE BLOGPOSTS:

Federalism for All: Chance for lasting Peace

The Mindanao problem is ultimately a POWER problem – the power of one group over another. It is a problem of colonization. The fact that there was a law called the Legislative Act 4197 or Quirino-Recto Colonization of Mindanao Act, which was enacted on 12 February 1935 is very telling. The Commonwealth considered the Act as a lasting solution to Mindanao colony. The law enabled a massive exodus of settlers from Luzon and Visayas to Mindanao, with complete government support.

CONTINUE

Filipino Crab Mentality: Institutionalization of Mediocracy

I first read about Filipino crab mentality when I was freshman in college in the mid 1970s. At that time I did not understand what crab mentality was all about. But the image — of crabs almost succeeding in getting out of the basket only to be pulled back down by their fellow crabs — stuck in my mind...

...The concept of crab mentality was alien to me until I saw them in action much much later. It was the time when mediocrity shamelessly exposed itself all over the government. That was the time of Corazon Cojuangco – Aquino.

READ THE BLOGPOST

Sabah and the Bangsa Moro

All these news on TV, newspapers and online about Sabah and the Sultanate of Sulu’s claim made me organize my thoughts on Sabah. The first time I heard about Sabah, I was about 8 or 9 years old. I have two sisters and one brother who were born in Jolo. The older sister was named Alnahar Mobina Fatima and her godmother was Dayang Dayang Putli (Princess) Tarhata Kiram, who at that time was the Pangyan (Sultana) of Sulu. My mother said that Princess Tarhata promised her that if they’d get back Sabah, she would give her goddaughter a big piece of it.

GO TO BLOGPOST


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SAMPLE COMMENTS:

MOROLAND – Land of the Bangsa Moro

                                        Hats of to you, brother!

                                        You are the epitome of true Moro Royalty!

Datu Aysar Tantung Amilbangsa, Esq.

Aug. 16, 2010

Sultanates in MOROLAND

                    You are a very good historian. thanks again.

Arata Wata November 25, 2009 at 2:28 am

Filipino Crab Mentality

I am Judge Florentino V. Floro, Jr. I am a Wikipedia editor-contributor. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/User:Florentino_floro

In my experience with Filipino Forums like PinoyExchange, and dealings with Filipino editors in Wikipedia, I value so much the Filipino delicacy of crab mentality.

Tersely defined, this Filipino malady is “stalking” of the highest order. In my 5,800 contributions to Wikipedia, I had never had any problem with foreign editors, but daily, a Filipino stalker duets with an anonymous registered user who, in conspiracy, duets to “crab mentalize” my good faith edits.

However, I recite Psalms 109 and 73 to imprecate these crabs, and more importantly, biblically cursed and put stain in their bloods up to the 4th generation. This crab illness is unique to Filipino culture, especially in Davao City.

Comment by Judge Florentino Floro — September 15, 2008 @ 6:26 pm

Sabah and the Bangsa Moro

Salamat salamat salamat po for this detailed piece of very important narrative.
Long live the people who just want to live authentic lives.

I do not support any agenda that is based on greed.

My heart and mind go out to all who are involved, whose sincerity is genuine.

I have blood cousins in Marawi City. My aunt’s husband is Maranao and this marriage between a Christian and a Muslim produced a big happy family. Your narrative is important, for our understanding, and for wisdom.

May you continue to support truth.
God’s blessings to you.


sacadalang

MARCH 7, 2013 AT 9:11 AM

==============================

AUTHOR

Datu Jamal Ashley Abbas is a freelance writer since 1998, former columnist and Managing Editor of

Mr. & Ms. Magazine, awardee of the prestigious Manila Rotary Club Journalism Awards in 2001, Media Studies specialist, former lecturer at the University of the Philippines’ College of Mass Communication (Communication Studies and Film Studies), Kalayaan College (Communication and Journalism) and Communication courses in both the undergraduate and graduate levels at the Far Eastern University (FEU) Communication Dept. as well as Communication and English courses at the FEATI University’s College of Arts and Sciences. He gives seminars / workshops on English, Communication, Media Studies and Film in various academic and professional venues.

He is a social media manager, taking care of several blogs and FB pages including his “flagship” blog, Postprandial Musings, 2.0 @ jamalashley.com and the blogs and other social media platforms of the Journalism Studies Association of the Philippines, Inc. and the Bangsa Moro Federal Business Council, Inc., where he is the Vice President for Communication.


[IF YOU THINK THIS IS A GOOD MATERIAL FOR A BOOK, YOU MIGHT WANT TO DONATE. JUST CLICK PAYPAL IN THE SIDE BAR. IF I CAN HAVE IT PUBLISHED, I’LL SEND YOU A SIGNED COPY. THANKS.]

How did the Media Cover the 'Rape of Marawi'?

It’s been one year since the start of the Rape of Marawi, referred to by the Media as the Marawi “Siege” and later, the Battle of Marawi.

I have refrained from writing about Marawi because it is very hard for me to accept that it was happening / it really happened. It’s really a miracle, but in a very negative sense.

I never imagined that the Philippine government and military can be so evil-minded. And they were/are supported by the Supreme Court and Congress and most of the Filipino people.

I never imagined that the Mranaos or the Moros would allow the Philippine government to totally destroy one significant city. I never imagined the Moro armed groups like the MILF, MNLF, BIFF ,etc. to just watch as the bombs fall on Marawi.

I never imagined intelligent Filipinos not doing anything to stop the Rape of Marawi, except for some rare individuals like Cong. Edcel Lagman, who almost singlehandedly opposed the declaration of Martial Law in Mindanao.

I never imagined the Supreme Court and the Senate to agree on long-term Martial Law in Mindanao when it is palpably AGAINST the Constitution and totally WITHOUT basis.

I never imagined Moro leaders could go down the level of cowards and lapdogs just so they can maintain their political positions

.

I never imagined that people can be so idiotic as to believe that it takes six or so months to defeat 50, or even 200, armed civilians against the might of a country’s armed forces — thousands of troops armed with tanks, armored vehicles, heavy firepower including RPGs, jet planes armed with so many bombs plus the aid of US military advisers and drones.

I never imagined that people can be so intellectually damaged as to to believe that to defeat a hundred or so armed civilians, even if they claimed to be part of a sinister international terrorist group, one needs to pulverize practically a whole city.

I never imagined that people have lost their sense of logical reasoning as to believe that the military that pulverized a whole city in order to defeat a ragtag army of 100 or so civilians, with no surface-to-air missiles or anti-tank weapons, would not kill civilians or loot the houses, even if presented evidence to the contrary.

I never thought that people would be so naive and gullible as to believe that even after declaring total victory over supposed enemies, the government still refused to let the residents back to their ruined houses — for months! What were they doing? Covering up their crimes of murder and robbery by burning the houses with tell-tale signs?

I never though I would see the day when Mranaos lose their dignity, self-esteem, pride and MARATABAT.

 I so miss my eldest brother, Macapanton Rashid Yahya Abbas, Jnr. He was the brain of the Bangsa Moro revolution. If he were alive today, the Rape of Marawi would probably have not happened. He was beholden to no one and he was always fighting for Moro freedom. He had wide powerful connections – both local and international – and was well respected by almost everyone.

If he were alive, I would have been the first to egg him on to defend Marawi.

When he passed away, I wrote in my website The Moro Review that the end of the Bangsa Moro Revolution had finally come. The so-called Marawi “Siege” has buried the Bangsa Moro revolution. The MNLF and MILF are nothing but mere bad jokes.

If anything, the Rape of Marawi has proven once and for all that the Christian majority could not care less about the Muslims in the Philippines, the Bangsa Moro people. The Rape of Marawi is the best argument for an independent Bangsa Moro. The Rape of Marawi is also the best argument to get rid of all Moro political leaders — cowards all. The Rape of Marawi is the best argument that the MNLF and MILF do not represent the Bangsa Moro people.

And any grain of respect I had for the Philippine media had totally vanished during the months-long Rape of Marawi.

======================================

A UP Journalism student doing her thesis on the Marawi “Siege” interviewed me on my thoughts about it. (I use quotation marks because I am not sure who the media refers to as those doing the siege and those being besieged.)

Weeks after the personal interview, she emailed me additional questions. These are her emailed questions and my answers:

UP Journ Student:     What are your thoughts on how media portrayed the events that transpired in Marawi? In your opinion, where do you think media lacked in covering these events? Why?

ME:   The essence of journalism is VERIFICATION. On the very first day of the Crisis, the mass media interviewed the military spokesman Brig. Gen. Restituto Padilla and other military officers. They all said that there were no ISIS members in Mindanao or in the Philippines. AFP Chief of Staff Gen. Eduardo Año himself assured everyone that Marawi was “under control” and that the Maute group numbered around 50 only. (Note: The CNN link -http://cnnphilippines.com/news/2017/05/24/marawi-crisis-timeline.html – has been updated and the quote from Gen. Año was deleted. Why?? See Changing Marawi Narratives for the quote.)

AFP Spox Padilla- Sitwasyon sa Marawi City, kontrolado ng militar at pulisya (Click to view youtube clip)

Another May 23 news clip from GMA TV News where the milirary again assured everyone that the military was in control of the situation in Marawi.:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NsH-DYFT7yE

And just a few hours after the announcements of the generals, Duterte, who was in Russia, suddenly declared that ISIS was in the Philippines and he declared Martial Law all over Mindanao.

A responsible media would have grilled the generals who told all and sundry that there was no ISIS presence in the Philippines. Did the President know better than the generals? And later, when then Cong. Harry Roque was interviewed on TV, he said that just an hour or so before Duterte’s declaration, he was with all the military and intelligence advisers of Duterte and they all said that there was no ISIS in the Philippines and that everything was under control. Roque was also in Russia as part of Duterte’s entourage.

Accdg. to Bill Kovach and Tom Rosenstiel, the Elements of Journalism, among others, are:

•             Journalism’s first obligation is to the truth.

•             Its first loyalty is to citizens.

•             Its essence is a discipline of verification.

•             Its practitioners must maintain an independence from those they cover.

•             It must serve as an independent monitor of power.

•             It must provide a forum for public criticism and compromise.

•             It must keep the news comprehensive and proportional.

•             Its practitioners must be allowed to exercise their personal conscience.

Re: Marawi coverage, all these elements of Journalism were/are missing. Although, I am not sure about the last one.

I saw an interview of George Cariño. He was interviewed on his experience in covering Marawi. He even cried. He said something which intrigued me. He said that they were not allowed to use some words or phrases in their coverage. What was that? Self-censorship? Is that related to last element above?

If what happened to Marawi were to happen in a Christian-populated city? Would the Philippine media do the same thing as they did in Marawi?

UP Journ Student:      How does the news coverage of the Marawi siege affect the public’s perception on it? What do you think are the other issues that will be affected because of the media’s news coverage of the Marawi conflict? What do you think are the factors that affect the packaging of news?

ME:     The public’s – esp. The Christian majority’s – knowledge of Marawi came / comes from the media. Their perception of the Rape of Marawi was seen through the spectacles of media. The narratives the public got were all crafted by the government and disseminated through the media.

FRAMING is one BIG factor that affects the packaging of news.

The framing is terribly skewed in favor of the government’s narrative.

CONTEXTUALIZING.  The context is terribly WRONG. From the media’s narrative, the context is as follows:

Marawi and the residents of Marawi are just like any Filipino, with the same shared history. All of a sudden, a group who represents a foreign-based jihadist terrorist group called ISIS, appeared and took hostage a whole city.  The residents fled, Duterte declared Martial Law and massive military forces came in to the rescue, like the cavalry of the old US of A. And the people of  Marawi applauded and were/are ever thankful for the Philippine government and soldiers. (This is so nauseating to most Mranaos…)

The public does not know the REAL CONTEXT. Marawi and Mranaos are not of the ordinary Filipino variety. The Mranaos are part of the Bangsa Moro who have been fighting the Philippine Republic since 1970 – for 48 years!!! And they fought the Americans for more than 20 years and the Spaniards for 350 years.

Given a choice between the Philippine government and a Muslim group, the average Moro would choose the Muslim group.

The reason for the Jabidah Massacre in 1968 was that the young Moros recruited by the Philippine military refused to go to Sabah to fight their fellow Muslims. They chose to side with their fellow Muslims than with the Philippine government.

The Moros are not Filipinos, in many sense of the term.

And what is the CONTEXT of ISIS? And the Caliphate?

(Note: All of a sudden, a group of Al-Qaeda supporters proclaimed themselves to be a worldwide Caliphate in 2014 and called itself, the Islamic State or ad-Dawlah al-Islāmiyah. The Caliphate is the government of the whole Muslim World or Ummah. The last Caliph was Abdulmecid II, Sultan of the Ottoman Empire, who was deposed by Kemal Attaturk in 1924. )

ISIS means Islamic State of Iraq and Syria. It doesn’t include Mindanao or Marawi. If it does, it would be ISMIS!!!

ISIS, esp. during the time of the Rape of Marawi, was being bombed out in Iraq and Syria. They couldn’t possibly have any care about Marawi, thousands of miles away. The Mranaos are not even Arabs.

And what is the Caliphate? There has been a Caliphate (Khilafa) movement in the Islamic world since the fall of the Ottoman Empire, and with it, the last Caliph.

But not just any idiot can claim to be a Caliph, like not any idiot can claim to be the Pope or the King/Queen of the British Commonwealth (formerly, British Empire).

The Hashemite Kings of Jordan and Morocco would be the first in line to be the new Caliph, not idiots put up by the US CIA. And not any idiot can be declared an Emir or Prince of a province of the Caliphate. (Hapilon of Abu Sayyaf was supposed to be the Emir of Philippines or Southeast Asia, accdg. to the government. Hahahahahaha!!!!!!)

Several years ago, American and European intelligence agencies started rumors about Muslims wanting to establish the Caliphate. But they were demonizing the Caliphate.

I thought then that the Westerners must be soooo dumb. Didn’t they know anything about the Caliphate (khilafa) movement, which has been around since 1918 or thereabouts? Little did I know that they were laying the predicate for ISIS.

EQUALIZING. The Media equalizes the strength of 50 or so Maute supporters, mostly kids, with the Armed Forces of the Philippines – with heavy weaponry, dozens of tanks, armored vehicles, airplane bombers and thousands of troops plus drones from the Americans.

SANITIZING.  There were many reports of civilian deaths, but none were focused on by the media. And there was MASSIVE LOOTING but hardly any reports by the media.

UP Journ Student:          In your opinion, what issues do you think the media should prioritize and should cover more during their coverage? Why?

ME:               HUMAN RIGHTS is a foremost issue.

Right now, there should be focus on REPARATIONS — the Mranaos should be paid for the damage brought to their homes and properties.

MILITARIZATION – It looks like the government is intent on building more military camps in Marawi and thus become an Occupying power.

LAND GRABBING. The government seems intent on stealing Moro lands, again.

The Americans, and later, the Philippine government, delcared ALL MORO LANDS as PUBLIC DOMAIN. And since titling of Lands is not customary among Mranaos, most lands in Lanao are not titled. The government wants to steal them all over again.

And what is the QUID PRO QUO with the MILF and MNLF? The fact that MILF and MNLF supported the government means that they already made a deal with them.  Why is the MEDIA mum on that? Whatever the deal is with both groups must have a great impact on the whole country.

UP Journ Student:         What should be the media’s role in the conflict? What are the ways the media can do to live up to its role?

ME:              The Philippine Media personnel, esp. the journalists, should adhere to the Elements of Journalism as espoused by Bill Kovach and Tom Rosenstiel. (see ther first answer)

Later, I emailed her one more point. I wrote:

“When ISIS hq abroad claimed that the lone gunman in the Resorts World casino shooting was their member, the media ignored the claim.

Yet the same media immediately believed the president when he declared that ISIS was in Marawi with no evidence and contrary to the assertions of AFP generals who, just a few hours earlier than Duterte’s allegation, assured the public on national media that there were no ISIS in the Philippines.

Double standard???!!!"

————–       end of Question and Answers       —————–

I would like to add more points.

In Marawi,  a report that about 50 supporters – untrained civilians, mostly kids – of the Maute family, allegedly linked to ISIS, were roaming around Marawi City, was enough for the President to order the immediate evacuation of Marawi City and to declare Martial Law all over Mindanao and then to bring the might of the Armed Forces of the Philippines plus American drones and advisers to bomb the Islamic City of Marawi (or parts thereof) to kingdom come!

During the Cory Aquino administration, a group of highly-trained military troops headed by Col. Honasan, took over the Ayala Avenue area of Makati. The Cory Aquino government did not declare Martial Law or mercilessly bombed the highly urbanized Makati business district.

MARTIAL LAW DECLARATION

The Philippine Constitution states: “In case of invasion or rebellion, when the public safety requires it, he may, for a period not exceeding sixty days, suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus or place the Philippines or any part thereof under martial law.”

In May last year, when Martial Law was declared, there was NEITHER INVASION NOR REBELLION in Mindanao. According to military officers — the AFP Chief of Staff no less and the AFP spokesman — there were only about 50 MAUTE clan members in Marawi and NO ISIS presence in Marawi, Mindanao or the Philippines.

Only idiots and morons and occupying powers (who think Moros are their enemies and need to be subjected to their powers) can justify the declaration of Martial Law in the whole of Mindanao!

The fact that Congress and the Supreme Court believe that there should be Martial Law in Mindanao (forever, if needed) only means that the Christian majority are playing along with the government. While there is Martial Law officially all over Mindanao, everything is business-as-usual in Christian-dominated provinces. Martial Law is just in full effect in Muslim-dominated provinces, esp. Lanao del Sur, incl. Marawi City.

MARAWI EVACUATION DUE TO EXPECTED BOMBING

The primary cause for the evacuation of Marawi was not the people’s fear of the Maute clan. Most Mranao families are well-armed. They are not afraid of just one armed family or clan. But they are afraid of being bombed by government forces.

Just a few months previous to the Rape of Marawi, the government bombed Butig, the stronghold of the Mautes. The residents of Marawi were afraid of government bombs, not Maute guns. In fact, about a few hours before the declaration of Martial Law, one Mranao woman was interviewed via phone by Karen Davila. The woman pleaded to the military, through the news program, not to bomb Marawi. She said that they did not want to suffer the same fate as the people of Butig.

And what forced the residents to flee was the declaration of Martial Law. With Martial Law, the local elected officials would be powerless. The military would reign supreme. And the Mranaos, like most Moros, do not love the Philippine military.

And if a Marawi resident was still not convinced to evacuate, the order by the Office of the Governor/Vice Governor to leave made the reluctant Marawi resident no choice.

The Marawi evacuation was the most important ingredient in the Rape of Marawi. The bombing of Marawi would not cause a lot of deaths. There would be no genocide to complain of. Apparently, the world could not care less about destruction of buildings, houses and mosques and roads and bridges. The massive looting by the soldiers and the unnecessary killings of some civilians on the side could easily be overlooked by the world’s media, who would focus on the government’s meta-narrative.

BANGSA MORO REVOLUTION – the NEXT PHASE

Prof. Cesar Adib Majul, the “mentor” to the Bangsa Moro revolution, wrote that there were six (6) stages or phases of the Moro Wars — the wars between the Moros and the Spanish conquistadors. If that were so, then the 7the stage of the Moro Wars was the one fought against the Americans. And the 8th stage was the MNLF/MILF wars against the Republic of the Philippines that began around 1969 / 1970.

The Rape of Marawi has finally wrote FINIS to the 8th phase of the Moro Wars. Practically all its leaders are gone. Dean C. Adib Majul, the mentor; Sultan Rashid Lucman, the Father of the revolution; Ustadz Hashem Salamat, the Spirit of the revolution; and Prof. Macapaton Abbas, Jnr, the Brain of the revolution, are all dead. The OIC-recognized Head of the revolution, Hadji Nur Misuari is politically dead, even if he is being resuscitated by Mr. Duterte.

The above-mentioned leaders were modern leaders, educated and were inspired by the orthodox, classical and peace-loving Islamic ideology. The next set of leaders might come from extreme and radical forms of Islamic ideology, something like the Taliban or Wahhabi (or the CIA-created  Al-Qaeda, Abu Sayyaf and ISIS) variety. That would be very bad for the whole Philippines.